Currently, the public donation tax borne by the Elector of Saxony is about four thousand florins, with an Imperial military service of 450 infantry and 120 cavalry, making him the prince with the heaviest burden after the Emperor and the King of Burgundy.
This amount is approximately twice that of the Imperial Duke who pays the most tax under the Elector, which is also the basis for the status and prestige the Elector of Saxony enjoys in the Empire.
However, compared to the total Imperial tax borne by Austria and Bohemia, this burden on the Elector of Saxony could only be described as trivial.
Although the Emperor's money flowed from his left hand to his right into the Imperial Court of Justice, while the Elector of Saxony's money went straight into the Imperial treasury, looking at the figures on paper, Elector Ernst really had no grounds to refute the Emperor.
As for the ten thousand florins of tax mentioned by the Emperor, it was not spoken casually; this was the exact amount of tax borne by the Duchy of Milan, the big brother of the Northern Italy council.
However, the Northern Italy council had not developed the various government institutions of the Empire's core areas; the resolution of its disputes relied entirely on the mediation of agents and envoys appointed by the Emperor, and the taxes collected were basically handed over to the Imperial garrison in Venetia as military expenditure.
At the very least, in terms of administrative management, the Emperor left the Northern Italy states with sufficient autonomy—though this, of course, also included factors of difficulty in ruling.
As long as Milan was secured, the Italian states would have to support an infantry legion and a cavalry legion for the Emperor; this was the order established by the Italian Wars.
Within the Empire, the Emperor generally adhered to the strategy of taking from the Empire and using for the Empire, using the collected taxes to strengthen the construction of the Imperial government, sometimes even using the Austrian treasury to subsidize the Imperial government.
When it was necessary to mobilize the power of the Empire, the Emperor could collect taxes and recruit soldiers through the three-tier system of the Imperial center and regions, and usually, he could also exert influence on every corner of the Empire through the Imperial Court of Justice.
The Elector of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburg, who had attempted to break this logic of operation, had now met with complete failure and could only silently bear the Emperor's rebuke.
"You are right, Your Majesty; we are willing to undertake our Imperial obligations, only asking to return under the protection of the Imperial law."
When saying this, the Elector of Saxony was like a deflated ball.
According to the terms of the "golden bull," the Electors were exempt from Imperial jurisdiction within their own territories and were always at an advantage in disputes with other Imperial Estates.
However, everything had changed now; he did not even dare to attack a low-ranking Imperial Count for the humiliation suffered by his sister, simply because the Emperor was watching from the sidelines like a tiger.
As an Elector, seeking the Emperor's judicial protection was, in itself, shocking enough.
Beside him, Elector of Brandenburg Albert [Achilles] also lowered his head further: "I wish to express my apologies for my previous offense against you; the Empire should indeed be placed under your will."
"I am glad you have found your way back."
"You are surely aware that with the expansion of the Imperial government, its expenses are also gradually increasing, such as the Imperial Courts of Justice established in Westphalia, Upper Saxony, and Lower Saxony over the past two years."
"I hope that the two of you, as Electors, can take the lead in bearing more Imperial tax, and acknowledge the right of appeal and adjudication of the Imperial Court of Justice and its branch courts in the Circles regarding legal affairs between the Imperial Estates. Do you have any objections to this?"
"As you wish, Your Majesty."
The two Electors, along with the Duke of Saxony who followed behind them, tried their best to appear submissive.
Seeing this, the Archbishop of Mainz nodded with satisfaction and ordered the two already prepared "public donation tax Ordinances," one for the College of Electors and one for the College of Princes, to be brought forth.
Under the witness of the Imperial Court and the ministers of the Austrian court, the last tax resisters within the Empire also signed and sealed the ordinances.
After this, they also signed the updated terms of the "Imperial Estates List," generally raising the tax borne by the Elector of Saxony and others by hundreds of florins.
Compared to this small amount of additional tax collected, what would truly bring a huge impact was the surrender of the opponents.
Laszlo subsequently specifically warned the Elector of Saxony, mainly regarding some of his dangerous actions, including his targeting of the city of Halle and his petty maneuvers in the election of the Archbishop of Magdeburg.
After the Emperor made it clear that he would not recognize a ten-year-old boy as Archbishop of Magdeburg, Elector Ernst dejectedly abandoned his bold attempts.
At the end of this one-sided negotiation, the Emperor announced that he would convene an Imperial Diet in Regensburg on St. George's Day of the following year to reorganize the Imperial Diet, and at the same time, issued an edict in the name of the Emperor and the Empire, urging all the Imperial Estates that had successively agreed to pay the public donation tax to make up for the taxes that should have been paid in November, and to pay the fines demanded by the Emperor for their "one year of rebellion."
With the submission of the Elector of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburg, although the princes remained suspicious of the Emperor's increasingly radical methods, no one dared to step forward and confront the Emperor's pressure.
All territories of the Empire, except for the Duchy of Holstein, had returned to the system constructed and controlled by the Emperor by assuming their military or economic obligations to the Empire.
From the recently joined County of East Friesland in the east to Salzburg and Bavaria right under the Emperor's nose, everyone was actively integrating into the Imperial system for various purposes.
Even the most stubborn King of Denmark, Christian I, obediently wrote to the Emperor shortly after the New Year, reaffirming the ancient friendship between the Roman Emperor and the King of Denmark, and subsequently swore allegiance to the Emperor in the name of the Duke of Holstein, agreeing to assume Imperial obligations.
Although this Danish King's previous demands regarding Dithmarschen had been flatly rejected by the Emperor, although his proposal to the Hanseatic League cities to exempt Danish merchants from tariffs—made under the guise of the diplomatic crisis created by Lübeck—had been sternly dismissed by the Emperor, and although his brother, the Count of Oldenburg, was being beaten to a pulp by the hostile Hanseatic League, this King still expressed in his letter to the Emperor his hope to "maintain the sincere brotherhood between the Empire and Denmark."
A few years ago, he would have fought the Emperor, but now that the Swedish rebels were almost at the gates of Stockholm, Christian I had no choice but to swallow this insult.
He had suffered countless setbacks regarding Imperial issues. Unfortunately, as a monarch from the Empire invited by the Danes, he found it difficult to suppress the rebellious tendencies within the three Nordic kingdoms, only to turn around and find that the Emperor of his home Empire had almost become his enemy.
Regarding this, Christian I could only lament his misfortune.
If he reached out toward Dithmarschen, he would definitely receive an interdict from the Holy See, and if he dared to touch Lübeck, there was no doubt the Emperor would not stand idly by.
Both targets were members of the Hanseatic League, and thus, mortal enemies of the Kingdom of Denmark.
There was already much evidence suggesting that the Swedish rebels were supported by Hanseatic merchants, yet under the Emperor's protection, the Danes dared not lift a finger against the Imperial territory so close at hand.
In the latest letter, the Emperor casually mentioned that the Count of Schaumburg of the Empire had always maintained his territorial claims over Holstein.
Although this Count had accepted tens of thousands of florins in bribes from the Danish King over a decade ago, if given the chance, he would not mind fighting for himself to win the title of an Imperial Duke.
Following the Emperor's repeated threats and intimidation, coupled with the internal conflicts within Denmark, Sweden, and other nations, Christian I finally abandoned his covetousness for Imperial territory, seeking only to preserve Holstein for Denmark.
Only then did the entire Empire unite once again under the Emperor's eagle banner.
Mass-printed copies of the imperial peace decree and the Emperor's newly issued supplementary decrees were sent by messengers to every corner of the Empire.
Influential princes and free cities in every region received instructions from Laszlo, and some of the more responsive Imperial Estates began organizing military forces to take stricter measures than ever before against bandits, thugs, and those shielding criminals who violated the imperial peace.
The Count of Hohenstein, who had been sold out as a sacrificial pawn by the Elector of Saxony, ultimately became a textbook case of someone violating Imperial law and was forced to surrender under the continuous offensive of the Hessian army.
Unfortunately, shortly before his surrender, a shell fired by a serpent gun hit his leg, and he died from his injuries shortly after being captured.
Half of his territory was confiscated to reward the princes who responded to the Emperor's offensive, primarily the three houses of Hesse, Mainz, and Brunswick.
The remaining territory was passed to the Count's cousin, another Imperial Count of the Hohenstein family, provided he paid a large sum of money to compensate for Lübeck's losses and contributed a hefty fine to the Imperial Court.
With the end of the Oldenburg Pirate War and the punitive war against Hohenstein, as well as the calming of the Mecklenburg-Lübeck conflict, peace returned to most parts of the Empire.
The reason it was only "most parts" was that the Empire spanned such a vast area and was situated right in the middle of Central Europe, causing some powerful states to always be drawn into conflicts across the European continent.
No Imperial law restricted states from participating in wars outside the Empire, which meant Laszlo had to expend extra energy to pay attention to these Imperial members who got themselves into trouble.
The Teutonic Order, which was at war with Lithuania, an ally of Austria by marriage; the King of Burgundy, Charles, who was at war with the resurgent King of France, Louis XI; and the Hanseatic League, which was at war with England, which was in the midst of a civil war—these were all issues he needed to pay attention to.
The status of Emperor indeed brought him supreme honor, but it also brought heavy responsibilities.
Even if he didn't want to worry about these wars happening on the edge of the Empire, there would always be someone urging and reminding him to assume his responsibilities as the secular leader of the Catholic world.
For instance, the Holy See, which was resting comfortably in Rome.
On the border between Austria and Hungary, in Pressburg.
This place was only sixty kilometers from Vienna, yet it was a distance the Emperor had not been able to cover for several years.
Setting foot on Hungarian soil again after many years, Laszlo even felt a bit of strangeness.
Since arriving in mid-January, he had stayed here for more than half a month.
During this time, he inspected the Pressburg Legion stationed here and met with the prefects of the six counties on the western border of Hungary.
Of these six counties, four were royal counties and the remaining two were noble counties, so among the six prefects, three were Austrian nobles and three were Hungarian nobles.
This was an area where the Vienna government could directly exert influence, and it was also a window for Laszlo to understand the political situation in Hungary.
According to the current situation, the situation in Hungary was generally stable. Apart from a significant increase in riots in Transylvania, the nobles in other places appeared quite well-behaved.
Among them, the Imperial garrisons in Pressburg and Kremnica ensured the stability of the entire Upper Hungary, or Slovakia region.
The Kingdom of Croatia and the Governorate of Bosnia were as calm as ever, with people outside the coastal areas only living their difficult lives in the mountain ravines on the edge of the Balkans.
As for the situation in Hungary proper, Laszlo was waiting for the Hungarian Regent, Archbishop Vitéz, to come and report to him in person.
However, before seeing the Archbishop, Laszlo met an envoy from the Holy See first—his old friend, Cardinal Francesco.
"Your Majesty the Emperor, I heard on my way here that you have resolved the disputes caused by the opposition and restored peace to the Empire. Please allow me to express my congratulations on behalf of the Holy See."
Inside the Royal Castle, Francesco said to Laszlo with a smile.
Laszlo nodded calmly, secretly observing Francesco to see if the Cardinal was deliberately disguising his true feelings.
Although he had used diplomatic pressure to force Rome to stop pursuing the atrocities committed by the Count of Mansfeld in attacking the monastery, this would inevitably cause dissatisfaction within the College of Cardinals.
It seemed that the dissatisfaction of the Cardinals in the Holy See was not too serious yet, but if there were a next time, it might be hard to say.
Uncontrolled violence always carried such risks, and even though Laszlo had repeatedly issued strict Orders, there would still be people attacking church lands under his banner.
He didn't know if these people were dim-witted or deliberately trying to cause him trouble, but it had to be admitted that church lands were indeed wealthier than other territories.
Since the time of Huss, people had known that encroaching on church property was a good way to rapidly increase wealth, a realization that was thoroughly put into practice during the era of the Reformation in history.
At this point in time, anti-church sentiment within the Empire had begun to accumulate, and from commoners to nobles, everyone was eyeing the wealthy and corrupt church, and the actions of the Count of Mansfeld were just a microcosm of this trend.
The church's authority and property were under threat, and the dissatisfaction of the Imperial subjects with the church was growing day by day, while Laszlo, caught in the middle, didn't even have much energy to pay attention to church affairs.
"The peace of the Empire cannot be separated from the support of the Church. Please convey my thanks to the Pope and the Cardinals."
"So, Francesco, what wind blew you here? Could it be that the Pope is ready to convene an Ecumenical Council?"
Although Laszlo was in a hurry, no matter how urgent he was regarding church reform, he had to look at the efficiency of the Holy See.
Currently, it seemed that none of the power-holders in the Holy See had as much enthusiasm for reform as Laszlo, the Emperor.
Francesco was a representative, perhaps even a leader, of the vast majority of people caught between the reformers and the conservatives.
He held a positive attitude toward introducing secular practices into the Holy See, so under his leadership of the College of Cardinals, the Holy See was far more concerned with secular affairs than in the past.
Yet, the current Pope, Benedict XIII, was very much on the same page as Francesco, completely forgetting the promises he had made to the Emperor initially.
Therefore, the great enthusiasm the Holy See showed for recovering Avignon was nowhere to be seen regarding church reform.
"Your Majesty, do you intend for the Holy See to convene an Ecumenical Council with only Imperial clergy participating? That would hardly be called an Ecumenical Council; it would neither gain recognition from the people nor produce any meaningful results."
"Clergy from Iberia, France, England, and Poland cannot attend the Ecumenical Council because they are facing endless conflicts and wars."
"The Holy See has agreed to convene an Ecumenical Council, and the location is set in Trento, to be held on Austrian territory."
"As for how to get clergy from other countries to participate, the Holy See hopes to receive your help."
Francesco appeared anxious, as if they really wanted to satisfy the Emperor's request, but the reality of the situation did not allow them to do so.
Then, he threw this difficult problem to the Emperor.
The prerequisite for convening an Ecumenical Council was the maintenance of general peace in the Christian world, but now all countries except the Empire were experiencing or about to experience cruel wars.
Under these circumstances, the Ecumenical Council would inevitably become a gathering of Imperial clergy, thereby losing its universality and legitimacy.
Only when the Emperor ended the chaotic wars on the European continent could the Ecumenical Council be held, and only then could the Holy See push for so-called reform.
Laszlo stared at Francesco, speechless.
It had to be said that this excuse was much more clever than the various pretexts used before. Although Laszlo wanted to say that what he really wanted to convene was a gathering of Imperial clergy, and what he wanted to push for was the reform of the Imperial Church, the Holy See obviously would not give in so easily.
The Council of Basel back in the day eventually turned completely into a tool for the clergy of France and the Empire to bargain with the Holy See.
The "pragmatic sanction of bourges" in France, needless to say, not only took away the Pope's power to appoint bishops but also exempted the payment of first-year annates, cutting off the Gallican Church's tribute to Rome.
And the Mainz Pragmatic Sanction of the Empire was even more extraordinary.
At first, the Archbishop of Mainz and the Archbishop of Cologne, after negotiations in Mainz, jointly announced their recognition of the reform decrees of the Council of Basel, which angered the then-Pope so much that he nearly excommunicated the two Elector Archbishops of the Empire directly.
Although it didn't go that far, the Holy See still declared the Archbishop of Mainz and the Archbishop of Cologne to be illegitimate clergy.
As a result, the Archbishop of Trier, the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Archbishop of Magdeburg, and the Archbishop of Bremen followed suit and joined the so-called "Mainz Agreement."
Finally, the Bishop of Vienna and the Bishop of Passau, as representatives of Emperor Albert II, modified the Basel reform decrees in the form of an Imperial edict and finalized them.
This decree limited the Pope's power and strengthened the Emperor's influence over the Imperial Church, which also made the relationship between the Emperor and the Pope extremely tense for a few years.
It was not until the Hungarian army was defeated by the Ottoman army in Serbia that, in Order to obtain more financial and manpower support, Albert II signed the "Vienna Concordat" with the Pope, acknowledging the Pope's final confirmation power over the appointment of high-ranking Imperial clergy, and restored the Holy See's tribute system.
The system currently implemented in the Empire belongs to a mixture of the Mainz Pragmatic Sanction and the Vienna Concordat.
As the Emperor's power grew day by day, the Holy See found it difficult to escape the Emperor's influence, so the Emperor's control over the Imperial Church, especially the Austrian Church, was continuously strengthened.
If an Empire-wide religious council were really convened, the Holy See's status would likely be knocked down to its lowest point in history, which was the root cause of the Holy See's lack of motivation for reform.
How could a group of parasites in Rome initiate reform? But once the Ecumenical Council was allowed to reform, then church affairs would no longer be up to the Pope.
Thus, Bernhard and Francesco, who were pushed up by Laszlo himself, hit it off and decided to find something for the Emperor to do, lest he stare at church reform and urge them day and night.
"Solving the disputes between countries, I'm afraid this still requires the Pope and me to make an effort together." Laszlo said helplessly.
He did not intend to solve the many wars happening around the Empire, but was waiting for the right time to act, which could reduce the money, supplies, and manpower consumed by military deployment and operations.
Austria's fiscal revenue was now being invested more into public construction, handicrafts, and agricultural investment, and the proportion of military spending was gradually decreasing.
The financial and manpower consumption of conscripting labor and building public works was no less than that of war.
Whenever possible, Laszlo would try to avoid letting Austria fall into long-term war, which was also for longer-term development.
If a real war broke out, resources would certainly be heavily tilted toward the military again, and loans would likely be inevitable.
"Of course, this is exactly the purpose of my trip."
Francesco took out two documents and placed them in front of the Emperor.
"This is a petition written by the King of Burgundy, Charles, to the Holy See, hoping to receive financial support from the Holy See in the war against the excommunicated Louis XI."
Another letter is from Grand Master Heinrich of the Teutonic Order to the Holy See, likewise hoping to receive the Holy See's assistance in the Order's war to reclaim lost territories.
They both mentioned in their letters that your response to their pleas for help has been cold, so the Holy See sent me to ask you for the details."
Francesco calmly kicked the ball back to Laszlo; the thoroughness of his preparation made even Laszlo concede defeat.
Indeed, earlier on, Burgundy, the Teutonic Order, and Lübeck had already begun to constantly harass Laszlo with letters, hoping to obtain substantive aid from the Emperor to gain an advantage in their foreign wars.
However, except for the requests from Lübeck and the Hanseatic League which received a response from Laszlo, the requests from Burgundy and the Teutonic Order were basically ignored by Laszlo.
How could he possibly raise an army to help Charles conquer France? Unless he had lost his mind, he could find no reason to allow the unification of Burgundy and France.
As for the Teutonic Order, he had signed a treaty with the Grand Duke of Lithuania, although it was merely an agreement for friendly relations rather than a military alliance.
His behavior of turning a blind eye to the Order's invasion of Lithuanian territory had already earned him condemnation from his sister and brother-in-law; unless the Order's homeland was threatened, he would not easily intervene in this war.
And now, it turns out that since they couldn't get what they wanted from him, their direct suzerain, they turned around and went to the Pope for help.
How many divisions does the Pope have? At most, he could probably scrape together a few thousand men, and he would still have to figure out how to send them thousands of miles to reinforce France and Prussia.
Obviously, counting on military aid from the Holy See was impossible, so what about economic or political aid?
Aside from issuing a few edicts to cheer on Burgundy and the Teutonic Order, it was unlikely there would be any other form of aid.
There was no helping it; the Holy See's own expenses were not insignificant. Although the last two Popes were adept at making money, without selling more indulgences, it was difficult to quickly scrape together a cash flow sufficient to influence the war.
Instead of doing it themselves, it was better to outsource the pressure.
What to do with requests the Pope couldn't handle? Naturally, throw them to the Emperor; who didn't know by now that the Emperor was the Pope's biggest behind-the-scenes sponsor.
After going around in a big circle, these pleas for help ended up back in Laszlo's hands.
Seeing that the Emperor was left speechless, Francesco spoke again: "Your Majesty, as the secular leader of all God's chosen people, the creator and maintainer of peace and Order, surely you will not turn a blind eye to these wars that severely endanger the peace of Christendom?"
Francesco was accustomed to flattering people; perhaps someone else might have already become carried away and promised the world, but Laszlo did not intend to fall for this moral blackmail.
"On the point of stopping the war, my views should be the same as the Pope's.
I have already been trying my best to mediate the war between Lithuania, Poland, and the Order, but as it stands, the demands of all parties seem morally justified, so I am still considering how to make a ruling that all parties can accept. I wonder what the Pope's view is on the war involving Poland and the other nations?"
Was the Pope's view useful? Judging from past events, its effectiveness actually depended on the Emperor's attitude.
During the Battle of Grunwald, the Teutonic Order was beaten into oblivion by the Eastern European coalition, and the Pope didn't say a damn word.
In the subsequent Prussian League War, Poland was rife with internal conflict due to successive military defeats. The excommunication issued by the Pope at Laszlo's request triggered civil unrest in Poland; this was one of the few times the Holy See was effective, creating favorable conditions for Laszlo to later stab the Poles in the back.
Having gradually emerged from the shadow of war, the Teutonic Order originally intended to continue its past policy, jumping back and forth between the Pope and the Emperor to escape control.
However, Laszlo's strategy of protecting the Prussian League back then played a key role, allowing him to grasp the Teutonic Order's lifeline, binding it within the imperial system while exerting influence over it.
After more than a decade of recuperation, the Order had once again become a state seeking expansion like a "mad dog," and now it had sunk its teeth into Lithuania, vowing to reclaim Samogitia.
This matter actually had quite a lot to do with Laszlo; after all, Poland was his enemy, Lithuania was his ally, and the Order was his nominal vassal.
As for any connection to the Pope, it was almost nonexistent.
Now that Rome had brought the matter to him, it was purely making trouble out of nothing.
"The Holy See still recognizes the results of the Polish parliament's election and supports the Order's demands; after all, those are lands that were forcibly taken from the Order."
Laszlo had only asked out of politeness, yet Francesco actually started to express his opinion.
Seeing this, Laszlo was not annoyed, but instead smiled and said: "So you mean the Holy See wants to completely reject the Grand Duke of Lithuania's demands?
I suggest selecting a few eloquent envoys from the Holy See to persuade the Grand Duke of Lithuania. If he is willing to give up the struggle for the Polish throne and cede Samogitia to the Order, I will certainly cooperate actively and oversee the restoration of peace among all parties."
Who doesn't know how to play the fence-sitter? If things were really that simple, many issues wouldn't need to be resolved by war.
Laszlo just kept beating around the bush; in any case, he would not respond to the Order's plea for help.
Wouldn't intervening at a time like this mean going directly to war with Lithuania?
Although there was nothing for Laszlo to fear, the potential gains from this war were plain to see, and he wouldn't be foolish enough to get dragged into it.
"The papal envoy sent to mediate arrived in Vienna with me earlier and should have already headed north by now."
"Then I shall wait for your good news."
Laszlo said this lightly, not mentioning a word about aid.
As for mediators, his envoys had arrived much earlier than the Holy See's.
The Bishop of Warmia had been appointed as the Imperial representative at the very beginning of the war, striving to broker peace among the three parties, but the result was that the three factions in the war only became more heated, and now it had reached a point where it was difficult to end.
"Then what about the war in France? Your Majesty, the King of Burgundy is your close ally, while Louis XI is an enemy of the Holy See and the Empire; this is indisputable.
It has been nearly three months since the war broke out, yet you still haven't made any clear stance, and the Holy See is concerned about this.
Recently, news also came from Avignon that the local bishop claimed the Holy See's guards had discovered traces of the enemy on the other side of the Rhône River.
In other words, Imperial territory ruled by your son is also under threat; can you remain indifferent to this?"
Seeing that the Emperor had no interest in Eastern European affairs, Francesco brought up the French war, which concerned the vital interests of the Empire.
Charles was currently holding the line with the strength of Burgundy and the support of a host of French nobles, but in the long run, problems were bound to arise.
The Holy See originally thought that the Emperor, as Charles's staunch ally, would support Charles's claims without hesitation, but it did not expect that the Emperor would reject Charles's demands for unknown reasons.
According to the Pope's advisors, the Emperor might have made this choice out of apprehension.
After all, just a few months before the resumption of the France-Burgundy war, the Emperor and Charles were still sharpening their swords and horses, preparing to make a big move for Lorraine.
At that time, because Charles couldn't come up with the money to buy the Holy See's certification of his claims, the Pope rejected his request.
As a result, not long after Charles led his army to Northern France to begin a standoff with Louis XI, he turned back to Rome to ask for money.
He demanded money with righteous indignation—if the Holy See did not want to see the excommunicated King of France, Louis XI, regain control of France and sever the connection between the Gallican Church and the Holy See, then it should pay up.
During the time Francesco was visiting the Empire, the Holy See had already successively paid out over five thousand florins to Charles as military expenses.
Compared to the consumption of war, this money was just a drop in the bucket, but the Holy See really struggled to squeeze out any more.
Although at the beginning of his tenure, Benedict XIII had obtained the first pot of gold of his papal career by selling off many of Paul II's collections, the subsequent Avignon Crusade and the high annual pensions paid to the cardinals of the Holy See soon drained the Holy See's treasury.
In desperation, the Pope could only turn to seeking a de facto reconciliation between Austria and Burgundy, hoping to drag Laszlo into the fray through the constraints of the alliance.
"Very well, since that is the Pope's attitude, I shall state my own.
I will have the King of the Romans, Christopher, represent the Empire and participate in this war to punish Louis XI; in fact, he had already begun preparing for this at the end of last year.
As for a larger-scale Imperial war, perhaps the Pope needs to issue a call for a Crusade, or send envoys to convince the princes to provide aid for this at the Imperial Diet in Regensburg next April."
Laszlo did not deliberate for too long and quickly gave an airtight answer.
As Charles's son-in-law and ruler of Imperial territory bordering France, Christopher should naturally commit himself to the war against Louis XI.
This was already all the support the Habsburg Family could offer at this stage.
As for support within the Empire, Laszlo could certainly force the Imperial Estates to comply, but this would undoubtedly provoke strong resistance.
For the Estates in the eastern part of the Empire, the fate of Burgundy and France had no connection to them; for the Estates in the western part of the Empire, what difference was there between asking them to aid Burgundy and asking them to commit suicide?
Considering Charles's unscrupulous style of conduct within the Empire, this time neither the Emperor nor the Pope could persuade the princes to aid the war against France.
And this happened to align with Laszlo's interests, which was to let France and Burgundy consume each other so that he could profit from it.
"This is sufficient; I will convey your suggestion to the Holy See."
Francesco quietly breathed a sigh of relief, not because he heard the Emperor sending his son to aid Burgundy, but because he had successfully diverted the Emperor's attention from church reform, so the most fundamental purpose of his trip had been largely achieved.
However, he had brought so much trouble to Laszlo, so how could Laszlo let him off so easily?
"The wars in various places will eventually have a day of resolution. Although church reform cannot be implemented in a wider scope for the time being, I believe that the clergy in Rome should try to curb the atmosphere of corruption.
A law professor at the University of Rome wrote to me saying that the Holy See always withholds the university's funding for no reason. He claims that a cardinal named Pietro spent at least two hundred thousand florins on celebrations and pleasure during his two-year tenure—I heard this person has a close relationship with you?"
In fact, the Bishop of Florence named Pietro mentioned in the letter was the illegitimate son of the Dean of the College of Cardinals, Francesco, but Laszlo still gave Francesco some face and did not expose the matter.
Sure enough, the usually gentle and refined Cardinal Francesco immediately flushed red and shouted, raising his voice: "Your Majesty, this is the most vicious rumor, an unprovoked slander against the Holy See!"
"Is that so? But I checked later; he holds 45 benefices in the Holy See. You must know that the Pope has only granted me 300 benefice positions throughout the entire Empire.
The Holy See's habitual atmosphere of accepting bribes, coupled with the growing nepotism, has now brought a heavy burden to the people of Italy.
You know, I have always been very disgusted with the two brothers of the Borgia family; this situation should not become more serious.
The Pope can certainly gain more authority and ruling power from the secular lords belonging to the Holy See, and I support this, but the corruption of the Holy See must also be curbed.
Take my words to Bernhard and tell him not to forget what he said back then."
Laszlo's tone was one of indifference that Francesco had never seen before.
The Emperor exposed the Holy See's scandals to his face and gave a solemn warning; to this, Francesco could only timidly agree to the Emperor's demands.
"By the way, the Patriarch of Constantinople, Bessarion, fell ill not long ago. He is too old to bear the heavy church and political affairs. I will nominate his successor later, and a copy of the investiture document will be submitted to the Holy See. From now on, let's follow this precedent."
"This... I will relay this message to the Holy See."
Francesco was as high-spirited when he came as he was wretched when he left.
Laszlo watched his retreating figure and couldn't help but shake his head and sigh.
Just a few years ago, when they witnessed the defeat of the Ottomans under the walls of Constantinople together, Francesco's reputation was still the cleanest in the church.
Born into poverty, he rose to become the Minister General of the Franciscan Order through his scholarship, and was later elected Dean of the College of Cardinals; he was simply the model of a self-made man from humble origins.
However, just a few years later, he practiced nepotism, promoting nephews, amassed wealth recklessly, lived extravagantly, and was even surrounded by rumors of sodomy.
By comparison, the reputation of Pope Benedict XIII, who personally led the expedition to recover Avignon, was slightly better, but his deed of letting his nephew succeed as Archbishop of Salzburg undoubtedly stirred up people's desire to slander him, and even Laszlo was questioned by some fanatics.
If things continue like this, the emergence of a Martin Luther is only a matter of time.
Laszlo now had both long-term worries and immediate concerns: problems of the Empire, problems within the Habsburg united monarchy, and the lingering issue of religious reform, which made him lose many nights of sleep.
Over the past few months, Laszlo had been securely stationed in the East, calmly resolving the imperial political crisis brought about by the Augsburg incident. Now, having arrived in Hungary, he began to focus on the affairs of the various vassal states.
Meanwhile, Christopher, who was stationed in the western territories, was not idle either.
His small court finally began to take shape in the intervals between successive campaigns, and a large number of men of insight from Austria and various parts of the Empire joined the court of the King of Rome.
After the wars in Lorraine and Franconia concluded, Christopher frequently traveled between Freiburg and Besançon to maintain order in the territories and ensure the stability of his rule.
Regarding imperial affairs, in addition to the western territories of the Austrian region that he managed on behalf of others, he was also shouldering the responsibility of overseeing the court of Rottweil, handling some of the less significant disputes within Swabia. For this, the Imperial Privy Council specifically assigned him several advisors and imperial messengers.
As for concerns about having too many centers of authority? That was the last thing Laszlo needed to worry about.
Not to mention that the outcomes of imperial affairs would not have much impact on Austria itself, the diligent Archbishop of Mainz and Laszlo himself were keeping a close watch at the imperial center; as long as no particularly egregious oversight occurred, it would be fine.
If not for the fear that pushing him too hard would be counterproductive, Laszlo would have even attempted to transfer more imperial affairs to him for handling.
After a period of adjustment, Christopher gradually became accustomed to this new rhythm of life.
Compared to the exhausting and dreary military life, which was not as passionate as he had imagined, Christopher's quiet and steady personality allowed him to gain much from administrative affairs.
However, the peaceful days did not last long.
Ever since the Fourth French-Burgundian War broke out, his young and beautiful wife would constantly nag him, or whisper in his ear at night.
Mary's concern for her father was almost undisguised. She learned of her father's predicament from letters sent by her stepmother and subsequently began to constantly persuade Christopher.
It was not to persuade Christopher to assemble an army to aid Burgundy, but rather to hope that Christopher would persuade the Emperor to fulfill his alliance obligations and provide aid to Charles.
Unlike before, Christopher's attitude this time was much firmer; no matter how Mary pleaded, he remained unmoved.
There was no help for it; the threat Charles had previously posed had made Christopher clearly see his own position—he was the King of Rome, the successor and ruler of the Empire.
And as for Charles? Although he had married his daughter and sole heir to Christopher, it was still hard to say whether the Burgundians were friends or foes.
It had not even been half a year since the short-lived but glorious Lake Constance Alliance had dissolved. That had been the first time Christopher served as the leader of an imperial organization, leaving a deep impression on him.
The members of this alliance almost all held extreme hostility toward the Kingdom of Burgundy, and Christopher, having spent several months among them, could not help but be influenced to some extent.
Fortunately, there was still someone who could point him in the right direction, and that person was his father, Emperor Laszlo.
Whatever the relationship between Austria and Burgundy might be, no one else's word counted—only the Emperor's word mattered.
As long as Laszlo's imperial edict did not arrive, Christopher acted as if the matter did not exist, burying himself in paperwork all day and prioritizing the governance of his territories.
For this reason, the passionate Mary often quarreled with him. She even attempted to contact some nobles in Franche-Comté to organize a private army to reinforce Charles, but unfortunately, the loyalty of nobles was always fickle; without the support of money and supplies, and without the enticement of profit, they were unwilling to take risks for their former master.
Worse still, Mary's little maneuvers were discovered by Christopher. Although the latter was not heartless enough to send his wife to the Austrian territories to sever her connection with the old Burgundian nobles, he did slightly restrict her personal freedom.
This matter did not cause too much turmoil in Franche-Comté; the powerful figures of this land had clearly found a suitable way to get along with their new lord.
Until this day, when Laszlo's edict arrived from Pressburg, breaking Christopher's brief peaceful life.
"His Majesty the Emperor has finally made up his mind."
After hearing the Emperor's command, the Archbishop of Besançon, who presided over the administration of Franche-Comté, could not help but sigh softly.
The advisors gathered before the King of Rome also discussed the sudden command to assemble the army in the western territories to reinforce the French theater of war.
The Deputy Governor of Outer Austria, Michael von Freiburg, remarked with some emotion: "I didn't expect that just a few months ago we were assembling an army to deal with Burgundy, and now we have to assemble an army to aid Burgundy."
"Can relying solely on the armies of Outer Austria and Franche-Comté really have any effect?"
Antonio, the valiant general Laszlo had left for Christopher, was deeply skeptical of the Emperor's true intentions.
"In my opinion, it would be better to send the army to Dauphiné. There have been multiple reports of enemy activity there; perhaps some unexpected situation will arise."
This was Heinrich von Fürstenberg, the younger brother of Count Fürstenberg, the commander of the garrison in Dauphiné, and now also an important advisor to Christopher.
The chattering discussion among the advisors left Christopher feeling slightly bewildered.
In fact, he also could not understand his father's intentions.
However, following his father's instructions would certainly be correct, so he quickly interrupted the discussion.
"Enough, my father's order is very clear, and what we need to do is to execute this order well."
"Archbishop, the task of raising supplies and funds for the army's expedition is entrusted to you."
"Baron Michael, you are responsible for assembling the army of Outer Austria; Antonio, you are responsible for the army of Franche-Comté."
"I will personally be responsible for the liaison with the Burgundian side. Preparations in all aspects must be completed as soon as possible; our time may not be very abundant."
"Yes, Your Majesty!"
Once his officials had received their orders and began to execute them, Christopher finally found time to sort out the current situation.
He subsequently wrote a letter to Laszlo, asking if he could receive reinforcements from the Independent Army stationed in Innsbruck.
After leaving Charles VIII's army in the summer, this force had marched arduously all the way back to the Austrian homeland, but was forced to halt in Tyrol due to the arrival of winter, and had not yet set off to return to their station in Graz.
Previously, the Independent Army had campaigned in France three times, twice as an expeditionary mercenary force, so its experience in fighting against France could not be considered anything but rich.
However, when this force passed through Franche-Comté, Christopher had inspected their condition.
Long-term, uninterrupted marching and warfare had caused this force to suffer huge losses. The personnel in each company were only a little over half of their full strength; the losses of baggage wagons and war wagons were immense, and even nearly one-third of the artillery had been lost, while the wear and tear on other ordnance was also quite alarming.
Most fatally, the morale of this army had plummeted to the bottom in successive defeats, and it would likely take a long time to recover.
Even so, Christopher still yearned to receive the support of this elite standing army, especially its powerful firepower support.
After handing the letter to the messenger, just as Christopher stood up, his attendant Manuel reminded him: "Your Majesty, today's French lesson..."
"We'll talk about that later. I need to go find Mary to talk now. She surely wouldn't quarrel with me again today, would she?"
"If the Queen knows that you are ready to lead the army to aid Burgundy, she will certainly be overjoyed."
"I hope so too."
Christopher and Manuel chatted as they walked through the residence, discussing some matters regarding Burgundy and France. Unfortunately, even those who had personally experienced the war could not judge the direction of this conflict, so they could not come to any definite conclusions either.
Arriving outside the Queen's door, Manuel consciously stood guard at the entrance. Christopher walked into the room and saw his wife sitting by the fireplace, holding a beautifully bound book in her hands.
Seeing her husband, Mary also gave him face by standing up and curtsying. Although she wore a smile on her face, her gaze made Christopher feel a bit uneasy.
"My dear King, what wind has blown you to me? Or is it that you have finally decided to let me out of this stifling prison?"
"Mary..." Christopher sighed helplessly, and then explained, "News has come from my father; he has decided to provide aid to Burgundy, and I will assemble and lead an army to join the French theater of war."
"Really?"
Hearing this good news, Mary could not be bothered to be angry with her husband anymore; she immediately rushed to Christopher, hoping to get confirmation from him again.
"Of course, so I now need your help in order to communicate and coordinate with the Burgundian side."
"Leave it to me."
The alliance between Austria and Burgundy once again took effect, and the relationship between the married couple, Christopher and Mary, was thus restored.
Although their feelings remained as subtle and fragile as the relations between their nations.
Orléans, the French Army's station.
Louis XI's main camp seemed much livelier than in the past.
Just a few months ago, their enemies still occupied this place, blocking the army's progress in reclaiming national territory; now, the French Army's scouts had already spread to the vicinity of Paris.
The change of seasons forced both France and Burgundy to temporarily cease hostilities, seeking suitable places to rest and recuperate to survive this exceptionally cold winter.
However, during this period, Louis XI was not idle doing nothing, just waiting to have a big showdown with the Burgundians after the winter ended.
He was not the kind of reckless monarch or commander; even in the most difficult moments, he had relied on calm and cool-headed operations to turn the situation around.
Now, the phase of thinking clearly and holding on had passed, and he did not want any oversights to occur in the subsequent war.
Therefore, this diplomatic master, nicknamed the 'Universal Spider,' began his operations again.
Looking at his many enemies, Burgundy and Brittany were mortal enemies and it was impossible to maintain peace with them; Armagnac was but a minor affliction that could not affect the situation at all; only Bourbon was an excellent target.
Although the Duke of Bourbon had betrayed Louis XI's trust, leading France's most elite army to a massive blunder, and had betrayed him out of fear of punishment.
However, in order for France to return to unity as soon as possible, Louis XI still decided to forgive him.
Not only did he have to forgive him, but he also had to promote him!
This was not only because the Duke of Bourbon held the power to sway the war, but also because there were territorial disputes and personal grievances between the Duke of Bourbon, Charles, and the Emperor.
The County of Forez that had been ceded away, along with the prosperous Lyon and surrounding areas—Louis XI was certain that the Duke of Bourbon must still be brooding over this.
His guess was undoubtedly correct.
When Louis XI gave a solemn promise, guaranteeing the restoration of all the honors the Duke of Bourbon had previously enjoyed, and that he would not be punished for his past mistakes, the Duke finally wavered.
Louis XI promised to let him choose a reward from three positions that suited his wishes: Governor of Guyenne, Governor of Languedoc, or Governor of Normandy, and guaranteed to help him recover all the losses of the House of Bourbon.
The guarantors of this agreement also included the Duke of Anjou, the Lord of Albret, and the Count of Foix.
And so, the Duke of Bourbon, John II, recalled everything from the past.
He was a Marshal of the Kingdom of France, a general personally trained by Charles VII, the bane of the English, and the defender of France—in any case, he could not be an accomplice to invaders.
Just when Charles had not yet noticed, the army of the House of Bourbon had already handed over the lands of the Duchy of Berry that it had occupied, allowing Louis XI to completely resolve the hidden threat to the side and rear of his main army, and even opening up the road to attack Burgundy itself.
Originally, if Louis XI's favorite, Bishop La Balue, were still around, Charles should have learned of this news in advance and taken precautions and countermeasures.
However, just a short while ago, the correspondence between La Balue and Charles was intercepted by French spies, and only then did Louis XI ferret out the deepest mole hidden by his side.
This shocking discovery left Louis XI both shocked and furious. He then ordered his men to strip La Balue of his clothes, trap him in a cage, and hang it on the city walls of Orléans, until the cold slowly and cruelly took the traitor's life.
After completing the key step of turning an enemy into a friend, Louis XI began ordering his men to continuously collect military supplies and hoard them in large quantities in Orléans.
As for the recruitment of the army, he would issue an edict a little later to conscript more troops; otherwise, just relying on the current ragtag bunch of the French Army, it would likely be difficult to defeat the renowned New Burgundian Army head-on.
Despite the lack of strong economic support provided by the northern merchant class, Louis XI still managed to raise basic military funds by relying on the old farmers of the south, and was preparing to raise a French Army capable of contending with the Burgundian Army.
Whenever this time came, Louis XI would miss his Swiss allies. If his Swiss mercenary corps were still there, wouldn't dealing with Charles be as easy as pie?
Unfortunately, Switzerland could not provide him with mercenary services now, and he did not have enough money to hire those expensive professional soldiers.
Many chroniclers of this era, whether on the French side or the Burgundian side, all described Louis XI as the monarch most adept at extricating himself from predicaments.
But only Louis XI himself knew that if he had a choice, he would never want to play an uphill battle again in his life.